The Karnataka High Court has directed Madikeri Tahsildar to conduct a survey of 19.86 acres of the area where Raja’s Tomb (Gaddige) is situated at Mahadevpet near Madikeri.
A Division Bench, headed by Chief Justice Abhay Shreeniwas Oka, was hearing the Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by J.S. Virupakshaiah, a former State Information Commissioner. It might be mentioned here that Virupakshaiah had even filed a PIL regarding the pathetic state of Madikeri Fort and had drawn the attention of the High Court contending that the Fort and Palace premises are heritage sites, dating back to more than three centuries and have been grossly neglected.
In his PIL on Gaddige, Virupakshaiah alleged that there are several encroachments in the historical tomb area. Rajara Gaddige is one of the tourist attractions in Kodagu and tourists who visit Abbey falls will pass Rajara Gaddige en route to it. However, it is in deplorable condition owing to the negligence of the Government and encroachment of land by local residents and vested interests.
Encroachments galore
Initially, the Gaddige had 19.86 acres of land. However, the land has been encroached. Some have even built houses on the encroached land. Even a Government building has come up on the Gaddige land. The Gaddige area has become land for immoral activities in the evening.
Hearing the petitioner, the High Court directed the Tahsildar to visit the Gaddige with a view to ascertain the present condition of the tomb. The Bench said the Tahsildar has to ascertain in the report whether there are any encroachments. The Bench has also directed the Tahsildar to prepare a sketch of the entire land and point out encroachments, if any. The Tahsildar has been directed to submit the survey report within six weeks.
Also, the High Court has directed the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) and the Centre to file affidavits stating whether the Raja’s tomb is an ancient monument and is of national importance. It asked the State Government to consider whether powers, under Section 19 of the Karnataka Ancient and Historical Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act 1961, should be exercised for the declaration of the protected area.
Deep-rooted history
The Rajara Gaddige situated in a hilly region at Mahadevpet has been built in such a way that it can be seen from all the four directions. They have been built in Mohammedan style with tombs at the centre and turrets at the corners. Nandi figures are carved on top of the corners.
The entrance of the tombs has carvings too. Lord Shiva is placed and worshipped inside the tomb since the king was Hindu. There are three tombs built for the royal dynasty. The central tomb which is the largest among the three is of Kodava king Doddaveerarajendra and his wife Mahadeviamma. The right tomb is built by Chikkaveerarajendra for his father Lingarajendra in 1820.
The left tomb belongs to Veerarajendra’s guru Rudrappa built in 1834. Closer to the tombs is the burial place of the two brave royal officials Biddanda Bopu — Bopu Dandanayaka — and his son Biddanda Somaiah who sacrificed their life fighting with Tipu Sultan. In fact, Doddaveerarajendra had erected a plaque in the memory his soldiers in 1779.
source: http://www.starofmysore.com / Star of Mysore / Home> News / March 29th, 2021
Princess Gouramma depicted in Indian dress and rich jewellery, leaning on an Indian table. She is holding a Bible, an allusion to her conversion to Christianity. (Franz Xaver Winterhalter)
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Snapshot
The short life of princess Gowramma of Coorg serves as a reminder of the potential detachment and loss of identity a fiercely Western education can ensure.
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Meghan Markle and Prince Harry’s recent interview with Oprah Winfrey has brought to fore the tumultuous relationship the British monarchy has with all things concerning race. Markle alleged that a member of the royal family had expressed concerns over how dark their baby Archie’s skin would be.
Notably, the Duchess of Sussex is not the first person of colour to be subjected to royal racism.
The institution’s colonial past is filled with instances of the ‘firm’ ( as Markle calls it) taking upon itself the duty of civilising the ‘coloured’ citizens of the colonies it conquered.
In this regard, the remarkable life of Princess Gowramma, the Princess of Coorg and the goddaughter of Queen Victoria, provides interesting insights into the treatment of people of colour by the imperial echelons of the nineteenth century British society.
Princess Gowramma was born in Banaras, to the deposed king of Coorg — Chikka Veerarajendra Wodeyar, who had been exiled by the British in 1834.
She was the Raja’s favourite daughter and was thus his natural choice when it came to accompanying him on his journey to England, where he intended to demand in court the return of his wealth from the East India Company.
Some sources claim that Veerarajendra conveyed his intent of converting Gowramma to Christianity to gain the good graces of the company, so as to receive permission to travel to England.
Governor General Lord Dalhousie and other directors of the company found the idea of voluntary conversion by an Indian royal quite appealing, especially since it would help improve their sagging image in Britain.
Thus, in 1852, after Gowramma had received an education in Christian mannerisms and scripture, she and her father set sail to become the first Indian royals to ever set foot in England.
Princess Gouramma depicted in Indian dress and rich jewellery, leaning on an Indian table. She is holding a Bible, an allusion to her conversion to Christianity. (Franz Xaver Winterhalter)
Upon reaching the island, the 11-year-old Gowramma was presented to Queen Victoria. The Queen, quite taken by the princess declared that she would become the godmother and even endowed Gowramma with her own name — ‘Victoria’.
The Princess of Coorg was then baptised by the Archbishop of Canterbury, at a private chapel in the Buckingham Palace, in the presence of Queen Victoria, her family, senior officials of the government and directors of the company.
Post the baptism, the Queen gifted Victoria Gowramma a bound and autographed Bible with gold embellishments. She then entrusted the princess to the care of Major and Mrs Drummond, who were to groom her with Western thought and education.
Queen Victoria took great initiative in expanding Gowramma’s social circles. She would invite Gowramma to regularly interact with her children and also bestowed upon her a title that made her equivalent to European princesses.
However, Gowramma, who was made to abandon her traditional Indian clothing for Western wear was depressed. She was cut off from all connection with her father and was instead forced to talk, dress and behave like a British aristocrat.
Unable to cope with the pressures of high society, Gowramma tried running away multiple times. She often expressed her desire for privacy and even stated that she rather live like a servant with the handmaidens than suffer the compulsions of regal life. Her troubles were dismissed by the Queen and her consort Prince Albert as ‘innate oriental weakness’ that seeks to escape civilisation.
Meanwhile, back home in India, the British had defeated Maharaja Ranjit Singh to annex Punjab. They then took his minor son, Duleep Singh, under their care.
Exiled to Fatehpur and kept away from Lahore so as to avoid chances of revolt, Duleep Singh was subjected to a Western education that eventually culminated with his acceptance of Christianity out of his own ‘free’will. He then set sail to Britain in order to formalise his conversion under the Church of England.
The Queen, to whom Duleep Singh presented the Kohinoor Diamond, took an instant liking of the Maharaja and became his godmother. She and Prince Albert in cahoots with the company plotted an alliance between Singh and Gowramma.
The hope was to use the influence generated by the marriage between two Christian Indian royals as a tool for proselytising the Indian population. This idea also had the endorsement of Singh’s English guardians — the Logins. They were firm believers in the European responsibility of spreading the word of the Bible amongst the pagan worshippers of India.
However, upon introduction, Singh was lukewarm in his response to Gowramma. He made it known to the Logins that he considered the princess more an honorary sister than a potential wife.
Gowramma, who had earlier been forgiven by the Queen for her torrid affair with a stable boy and her attempted elopement with an under-butler decided instead to marry a close friend of Singh — Lieutenant Colonel John Campbell, who had served in Bellary and was 30 years her senior.
Meanwhile, Chikka Veerajendra, who had lost a seven-year-long legal battle with the company had died.
Gowramma gave birth to a daughter named Edith Campbell on 2 July 1861. By the time Edith was three years old, Gowramma had developed signs of tuberculosis.
She died from the disease on 30 March 1864 just a few months short of her 23rd birthday.
Lieutenant Campbell, who in their short marriage had either neglected his wife or had persistently pestered her for money, disappeared after her death along with the crown jewels of Coorg that had been in her possession.
It is believed that he had only married the princess for her 1,000 pound allowance, the Queen’s favour and of course the jewels of Coorg.
The tragic life of Victoria Gowramma, a princess who had been alienated from her own land and language, was perhaps the paradigm the Britain had for the citizens of her colonies to follow.
Had Duleep Singh and Gowramma not fell short of the royal scheme envisioned by Queen Victoria, they might have had a significant role in shifting India’s religious history.
After all, colonial rulers did find religious conversion a greater instrument for the control of the colonised than plain force.
Gowramma today serves as a reminder of the potential detachment and loss of identity a fiercely Western education can ensure.
Victoria Gowramma was buried in the Brompton Cemetery, her tombstone bears the epithet composed by Queen Victoria, it contains the poignant words — “Other sheep I have, which are not of this fold” (John X,16).
source: http://www.swarajyamag.com / Swarajya / Home> Ideas / by Adithi Gurkar / March 17th, 2021
Dr Priya Atwal, a historian, took to Twitter and spoke about the little-known life of Princess Gouramma of Coorg who was adopted by Queen Victoria as one of her godchildren.
The history of Princess Gourumma of Coorg was shared on Twitter by Dr Priya Atwal.
While Meghan Markel’s revelations into the British Royal family has once again triggered the debate of race in UK, a historian from India has claimed that Meghan is probably not the first woman of colour to be a part of the monarch family. While there is mention of Queen Charlotte’s (1744-1818) black ancestry, Queen Voctoria had her imperial godchildren too, according to the Victorian historian. Dr Priya Atwal took to Twitter amid raging debate about Meghan’s acceptance in the Royal family and spoke about the little-known life of Princess Gouramma of Coorg.
“Princess Gouramma (1841-64) was brought to Britain in 1852 by her father, the deposed Rajah of Coorg. The Rajah campaigned to win back his family wealth from the East India Company, but also asked Victoria to adopt his daughter, believing the Queen would give her a good life (sic),” Atwal wrote. It was Princess Gouramma’s father, Rajah of Coorg, who offered her to the Queen after baptising her with the hope that she would be brought up with “aristocratic guardians and secure her a good marriage”. Victoria readily accepted the idea and adopted Princess Gouramma. But princess of Coorg wasn’t the only one. Queen Victoria had several ‘godchildren’ whom she adopted from royals from the empire.
Duleep Singh and Sarah Bonetta Forbes were among these godchildren of the Queen.
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Dr Priya Atwal@priyaatwalAs a historian of Victorian royalty, I am fascinated by some of the parallels between #MeghanMarkle’s current situation and the little known story of Princess Gouramma of Coorg. A thread
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But facing racial attacks never stopped for the Queen’s godchildren even after being adopted. Atwal says their lives weren’t easy. Duldeep and Sarah ‘were both feted and treated as racialised others in Victorian Britain’. “And their lives were pored over in a newly-emerging popular press,” Atwal writes. “As I’ve found in my research, for her it was a good way to learn about her new territories and project a benevolent image of her family.”
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Dr Priya Atwal@priyaatwal·The Hindu Rajah offered up Gouramma to be baptised as a Christian & hoped Victoria would bring her up as an adopted daughter with aristocratic guardians and secure her a good marriage. Incredibly, Victoria was keen about the idea & readily agreed. 4/12
Victoria took multiple young royals from around the empire as wards/godchildren – inc. Duleep Singh & Sarah Bonetta Forbes. As I’ve found in my research, for her it was a good way to learn about her new territories & project a benevolent image of her family. 5/12
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Gouramma faced a different struggle. She was pressured to become the model Anglicised princess. Even though the Queen had accepted her into the family, she had banned Gouramma from maintaining any contact with her family. The curtailment of ties again had racial undertones. According to Atwal, this was supposedly to prevent her from slipping into “native” or “heathen ways”. “She was moved from foster family to family as her caretakers struggled with the cost and demands of raising a royal ward.” The struggle of a new life was too much for the young princess who even tried to run away many times. It was the unwanted attention and being under scrutiny all the time that added to her woes. “In this I find her parallels with Meghan most intriguing: Gouramma often spoke of dearly wishing for more privacy & living independently – even to become a household maid – so she could be free of scrutiny. Yet her actions were attributed to her “innate Oriental weakness (sic),” Atwal writes.
Meghan too has spoken about the unwanted attention from media that has deprived her of any privacy in personal life. Meghan, who married Prince Harry in 2018, said she told the royal family she was struggling and needed professional help but was told “that I couldn’t, that it wouldn’t be good for the institution.” She even suggested that the Buckingham Palace was “perpetuating falsehoods” about her and Prince Harry. Asked by Winfrey how she felt about the Palace hearing her speak out, Markle replied: “I don’t know how they could expect that after all of this time we would still just be silent if there’s an active role that The Firm is playing in perpetuating falsehoods about us.”
With the Zilla Panchayat (ZP) and Taluk Panchayat (TP) polls scheduled to take place this year, the State Election Commission (SEC) has set in motion the process of delimitation of ZP and TP Constituencies in all districts of the State. The SEC, which has fixed the number of ZP and TP Constituencies in all districts, has directed the Deputy Commissioners to depute election Tahsildars and other concerned staff in their respective district to appear before the Commission on specified dates, along with maps of Constituencies and other corresponding details.
Accordingly, the election Tahsildars of Mysuru, Kodagu, Hassan, Mandya, Chamarajanagar, Chikkaballapur, Kolar, Chitradurga, Ramanagara and Bengaluru Rural districts are required to appear before the SEC at Bengaluru on Feb. 22.
After delimitation, Mysuru ZP will have 53 Constituencies from eight taluks and the district will have 144 TP Constituencies collectively. Of the 53 ZP seats, Mysuru, T. Narasipur, Hunsur, K.R. Nagar and Periyapatna taluks will have seven seats each, while Nanjangud taluk will have 10, H.D. Kote 5 and Saragur 3 seats.
As far as the Taluk Panchayat is concerned, Mysuru, T. Narasipur and Hunsur Taluks will have 19 seats each, K.R. Nagar and Periyapatna 18 seats each, Nanjangud 27, H.D. Kote 13 and Saragur 11.
Kodagu District with 5 taluks, will have 29 ZP seats and 52 TP seats collectively.
Regarding ZP seats, Madikeri taluk will have 7 seats, Kushalnagar and Virajpet five seats each and Somwarpet and Ponnampet six seats each.
In respect of Taluk Panchayat, Somwarpet, Kushalnagar and Virajpet taluks will have 11 seats each, while Madikeri taluk will have 10 and Ponnampet 9 seats.
Mandya ZP will have 46 ZP Constituencies from seven taluks and 124 TP Constituencies collectively.
Regarding ZP seats, Mandya, Maddur and Malavalli taluks will have 8 seats each, while Pandavapura, Srirangapatna and Nagamangala will have 5 seats each and K.R. Pet taluk 7 seats.
In respect of Taluk Panchayat, Mandya Taluk will have 23 seats, Maddur 22, Malavalli 20, Pandavapura 14, Srirangapatna and Nagamangala 13 seats each and K.R. Pet 19 seats.
Chamarajanagar ZP will have 27 seats from five taluks and 75 TP Constituencies collectively .
Regarding ZP seats, Chamarajanagar taluk will have 9 seats, while Kollegal will have 4, Hanur 5, Gundlupet 6 and Yelandur 3.
In respect of Taluk Panchayat, Chamarajanagar taluk will have 24 seats, Kollegal 10, Hanur 14, Gundlupet 16 and Yelandur 11.
source: http://www.starofmysore.com / Star of Mysore / Home> News / February 14th, 2021
Kushalnagar taluk to be inaugurated in a month: Minister
MLAs urge Govt. to release more funds for new taluks
Ponnampet:
The long-standing demand for the creation of Ponnampet taluk in Kodagu district was fulfilled today with Revenue Minister R. Ashok inaugurating the new taluk at a simple programme held at Ponnampet Taluk Office this morning. With the inauguration, Ponnampet taluk, which has been carved out of Virajpet taluk, has come into official existence, months after the Gazette notification in this regard was made on July 3, 2020.
Ponnampet Taluk Action Committee, Citizens Action Committee and a host of other organisations had been demanding the formation of the new taluk ever since it was conceptualised 18 years ago in 2002.
Speaking after inauguration, Ashok said that he was virtuous to have got the opportunity to inaugurate the new taluk as Revenue Minister.
Maintaining that he has a lot of affection, trust and respect for Kodagu district, he said that his Department has been working to expedite all pending initiatives.
Revenue Minister R. Ashok, Horticulture Minister K.C. Narayana Gowda and MLA K.G. Bopaiah are seen lighting the lamp to mark the inauguration of new Ponnampet Taluk Office at Ponnampet this morning as MLC Veena Achaiah, MLA M.P. Appachu Ranjan and others look on.
Pointing out that the 18-year wait of the people has ended with the inauguration of the new taluk, Ashok declared that the Gazette notification on the formation of new Kushalnagar taluk, which has been carved out of Somwarpet taluk, will be issued shortly and all other official procedures will be completed in a month. He asserted that he was sure of inaugurating the new Kushalnagar taluk as well in a month.
The Minister further said that the formation of two new taluks (Ponnampet in South Kodagu and Kushalnagar in North Kodagu) in the district will geographically help the residents in their daily work and activities.
Highlighting the initiatives taken by the Revenue Department after he took charge of the Ministry 16 months ago, Ashok said that old age pension will now be credited directly to Aadhaar-linked Bank account of the beneficiaries, which he claimed was a revolutionary step in maintaining transparency in the delivery mechanism of Government benefits.
Virajpet MLA K.G. Bopaiah, in his address, wanted the Government to appoint a permanent Tahsildar for the new taluk and also sanction more funds to provide necessary infrastructure.
Madikeri MLA M.P. Appachu Ranjan urged the Govt. to release Rs. 10 crore for infrastructure development in the new taluks of Ponnampet and Kushalnagar.
MLCs Sunil Subramani and Veena Achaiah, Kodagu Deputy Commissioner Annies Kanmani Joy, ZP CEO Banwar Singh Meena, Assistant Commissioner Eshwar Kumar Khandu, Tahsildar Kusuma and a host of other officials were present.
However, Kodagu District Minister V. Somanna and Mysuru-Kodagu MP Pratap Simha were conspicuous by their absence.
source: http://www.starofmysore.com / Star of Mysore / Home> News / November 20th, 2020
The Codava National Council(CNC) has urged the Government to include Codava tribe in the list of Scheduled Tribes (ST) of the Indian Constitution.
Addressing a press meet at Patrakarthara Bhavan here this morning, CNC President N.U. Nachappa maintained that ST tag for Codava tribe and Geo-political autonomy are synonymous for Codavas. Urging the Government to declare Codava tribe as a primitive tribe, he said that Codava tribalism must be measured through the ‘Emic approach’, an ethnographic study of Codava tribe.
Pointing out that one of the seven fundamental rights enshrined in our Constitution clearly upholds Constitutional remedy for the aspirations of the people, Nachappa argued that the Union and Karnataka Governments should concede Codava aspirations of ST tag as a Constitutional remedy.
Noting that as a result of CNC’s relentless efforts and innumerable petitions to the Union Government, the Central Government directed the State Government to conduct an ethnographic study on Codava tribalism, he said that subsequently, the Karnataka Government entrusted this responsibility to Mysuru based Karnataka State Tribal Research Institute (KSTRI).
Stating that Codava tribe has its own extraordinary tribal characteristics, he maintained that ST tag is a must for their historical continuity and for protection of Codava land, language, cultural heritage, folkloric identity and traditional habitation. Also, the tag was important for their economic and political empowerment, he said.
Accusing KSTRI Director T.T. Basavanagouda of attempting to derail Codavas demand for ST tag through dubious means, Nachappa said that a representation has been given against the actions of Basavanagouda, which are detrimental to the interests of Codavas, to Mysuru DC.
Pointing out that the then MPs B.K. Hariprasad and Kupendra Reddy had raised the issue during the Parliamentary session in Dec. 2019, which attracted the attention of the whole country, Nachappa asserted that the ST tag will also ensure protection of Codava hereditary untitled lands and traditionally defined Codava homeland.
CNC office-bearers Areyada Girish, Kaliyanda Prakash, Chambanda Janath Kumar and Appaneravanda Manoj Mandappa were present at the press meet.
source: http://www.starofmysore.com / Star of Mysore /Home> News / October 13th, 2020
Ancient abode: The ancestral house of Mukkatira Ipanna, the sharpshooter, in Nalvathoklu village in Kodagu. Photo by Boverianda Chinnappa
Mukkatira Aiyappa of Bonda village in Kodagu had three sons: Muddayya, Ipanna and Bopayya. Muddayya became a Munshi (clerk) in the Diwan Kacheri (minister’s office). Linga Raja II was the ruler of Kodagu at that time. With his first queen, a lady from the Chowrira family, he had a son Chikka Vira Raja. His second queen, Palanganda Devaki, was his Pattada Rani (chief queen). They had two daughters Muddammaji and Devammaji.
In 1816, Linga Raja was on a hunt in Murnad, Kodagu. He was accompanied by Muddayya when they came across Ipanna. Linga Raja challenged him to shoot a bird off a bison’s back as he was a famed sharpshooter. The bison was at a long distance and a gunhad to be used. Ipanna shot it and impressed the Raja who summoned him to the court the next day.
The next day, Ipanna went to the court dressed in a white Kuppya (traditional coat). The Raja asked him the significance of the colour of his costume. Without any hesitation, he replied that a Kodava normally wore a white Kuppya on two occasions — in his wedding and then during his funeral. Those days, rarely one spoke boldly in front of the Raja. But the Raja was not displeased. Instead he surprised all by saying that he would get his elder daughter Muddammaji married to Ipanna.
Ipanna was converted into a Lingayat, since the Raja was one. Ipanna was given a new name, Chenna Basavappa. Muddammaji and Chenna Basavappa were married and gifted a farm. But Muddammaji fell sick frequently. So, this farm was exchanged with another farm which belonged to the Raja’s relatives in Appangala. However, Muddammaji died within two years after her marriage. The Raja then got his younger daughter Devammaji married to Chenna Basavappa in 1819.
In 1820, Linga Raja died. His queen Devaki committed suicide by consuming diamond dust. Chikka Vira Raja became the Raja. Chenna Basavappa and a few others were discontent with his rule. So they schemed to have him ousted. They failed in their in their endeavour and Chikka Vira Raja came to know of it. Chenna Basavappa and Devammaji were kept under house arrest.
In 1832, Chikka Vira Raja planned to have Chenna Basavappa executed. Devammaji and Chenna Basavappa learnt of this. On Shivarathri, they drugged the guards and escaped from Appangala on horseback. They crossed the borders of Kodagu and reached Mysore , where they headed to the house of the British Resident Casamajor and sought refuge. Meanwhile, the couple’s one-and-a-half-year-old son fell into the hands of the Raja’s men and was handed over to the Raja whose queen took care of him.
Muddayya was an intelligent and respected man. He had been promoted to become the Raja’s Khas Munshi (chief accountant). A favourite of the Raja, he was deemed to be a future Diwan. When Chikka Vira Raja first heard of Chenna Basavappa’s escape he got angry with Muddayya who was his elder brother. He then beat him up. His Diwan, Kunta Basava, got Muddayya executed. But, in truth, Muddayya was not aware of his brother’s plans.
Chikka Vira Raja demanded that the two fugitives should be handed over to him. But Casamajor forwarded this matter to the British East India Company Government. In 1833, the Government declared that the couple should not be surrendered to the Raja. Chenna Basavappa and Devammaji were moved to Bangalore and were given a pension. Chikka Vira Raja schemed with Nanda Lal Bharthi, a merchant from Mysore, to have Chenna Basavappa murdered. But these attempts failed.
In 1834, the Company invaded Kodagu. The Raja surrendered to the British and was exiled. Chenna Basavappa and Devammaji returned to Kodagu. Their Appangala farm was returned to them. Chenna Basavappa assumed the title of ‘Arasu’ (king). He petitioned the Company to provide him with one of the other palaces of the Raja. He also wanted the former Raja’s farm at Nanjarajapatna and be placed in charge of the Gaddige (the Rajas’ mausoleum). But the Company didn’t agree to this. Chenna Basavappa died in 1868.
source: http://www.deccanherald.com / Deccan Herald / Home> Spectrum> Spectrum Statescan / b y Mookonda Kushalappa / July 06th, 2019
Linga Raja I was the king of Kodagu and a subordinate ally of Nawab Hyder Ali of Mysore. In 1780, the king passed away, leaving his first son, the 16-year-old Dodda Veerarajendra as heir to the throne. Hyder Ali saw this as the perfect time to bring Kodagu under his complete control.
So, he moved the king’s family members from the Madikeri Fort in Kodagu to Gorur Fort in Hassan. Displeased with the king’s removal, Kodagu rose in rebellion against Hyder.
Elsewhere, the second Anglo-Mysore war was raging on. In 1782, Hyder died and his son Tipu Sultan succeeded him. Linga Raja’s family was shifted and imprisoned at Periyapatna Fort in Mysore. In December 1788, Dodda Veerarajendra, his wife, daughter, brothers Linga Raja II (aka Lingarajendra) and Appaji Raja and other family members managed to escape from their confinement.
According to scholar H Moegling (in 1855) ‘some faithful Coorg friends assisted him (the king) and conducted him safely’. Historians I M Muthanna and D N Krishnaiah identified these friends as Kulletira Ponnanna, Pattacheruvanda Boluka, Appaneravanda Achaiah, Ketolira Achuvanna and others. They disguised themselves as oil-vendors and reached Periyapatna, where they were able to release the royal family.
The people of Kodagu declared Dodda Veerarajendra their king but the new raja and his family had no place to stay. The Mysore Sultan still held the Madikeri Fort. The king first stayed at Kurchi where he made a temporary, makeshift residence.
One day, when the king was away, bandits from Wayanad attacked Kurchi; they killed the queen, looted the ornaments and burnt down the place.
D N Krishnaiah writes that with the king living near poverty, Ketolira Achuvanna recommended his own native village — Yavakapadi near Kakkabe — as a suitable place for the raja to stay till the war was over. Back then, Kakkabe was a remote location, surrounded by mountains and jungles. Achuvanna accommodated the raja in his own ancestral house until a new palace was built.
A farmland of the Puliyanda family was found to be the most secure site for a palace; hidden by natural barriers from all sides, it was relatively inaccessible to invaders.
Four brothers of a family living there were asked to vacate the place, with the promise of compensation. Everyone complied, save for the youngest brother Karichcha.
When the palace’s construction began, Karichcha troubled the construction workers during the day and hid in the forest at night. Displeased with this, the raja got him captured and put to death
The palace eventually came up at the place and is called ‘Naalnaad aramane’ or Nalknad aramane, after the name of the region. The palace was relatively simple: a two-storey building with a thatched roof, built in the native Ainmane tradition.
The descendants of Achuvanna and his two brothers became the Aramane thakka (palace chamberlains); they were the hereditary chieftains in-charge of the Naalnaad palace. Meanwhile, Kodagu became free of Tipu’s rule in 1792. For Dodda Veerarajendra, life had come full circle, as he gained possession of his father’s old residence.
source: http://www.deccanherald.com / Deccan Herald / Home> Spectrum / by Mookonda Kushalappa / October 03rd, 2020
An erstwhile independent state, Coorg was merged with Mysore after the States Reorganisation Act was passed in 1956.
It was S Nijalingappa’s death anniversary on August 8 and I was reading about the unified Mysore state’s first Assembly elections in order to get some insights about the first and one of the longest serving Chief Ministers of our state. One article led to another and I found myself in the middle of several articles about Coorg’s merger with Mysore. It was such an interesting revelation that I kept hopping from one article to another and got deeper into the rabbit hole.
Since most of us outside of Kodagu are informed just in passing in our textbooks about how Coorg was an independent state before the unification, I thought this was a story worth telling.
After more than a century of direct British rule since its annexation from its last ruler Chikka Veera Rajendra (in 1834), Coorg became an independent (Type C) state within India along with other small, hilly, erstwhile princely states like Himachal Pradesh. Coorg had a strong Congress party presence and participated enthusiastically in the freedom struggle, with even stalwarts like Gandhi visiting the state on a few occasions to mobilise the immensely patriotic people from the land of coffee, commanders and Kaveri.
But the Congress leadership within Coorg was heavily divided over whether to remain an independent state or to join the larger neighbouring state of Mysore. While one faction led by the Gandhian CM Poonacha was more pragmatic in seeing the impracticality of a tiny state like Coorg being allowed to remain independent in a country as large as India and being open to the idea of merging with Mysore since Kannada was already the language broadly used in education and administration within Coorg, the other faction led by another Gandhian Pandiyanda Belliappa was , staunchly against the merger. The loyalty of both factions and leaders, however, lay with the Congress.
When the legislative assembly elections were announced in late 1951, to be held along with the first ever election to independent India’s parliament, the Pandiyanda Belliappa faction moved away from the Mysore-sympathetic Congress and formed the Thakkadi Party (weighing machine), contesting as independents on the plank of Coorg’s continuation as an independent state.
In what was a Brexit style election to decide the future of Coorg state, the Congress emerged victorious, winning 15 seats in the 24-member Coorg Assembly, while the Thakkadi Party won the remaining 9 seats. Questions were raised about the fairness of the elections as allegations surfaced that voters were sent from the neighbouring towns in Mysore to vote for the Congress, in effect for Coorg’s merger with Mysore. Poonacha, however, took oath as Coorg’s first and only elected Chief Minister and ruled till 1956 with a two-member Cabinet.
In 1956, the States Reorganisation Act was passed in the Parliament by the Nehru government, allowing Coorg’s merger with Mysore. Several efforts were made by key dignitaries from Coorg to secure an independent state status, including the decorated Field Marshal KM Cariappa, who was then serving as India’s High Commissioner to Australia and New Zealand. He wrote a letter to President Rajendra Prasad, making a case for Coorg to remain an independent state. But it proved too little, too late as the Nehru-led Congress government remained committed to the Act and reined in dissent within the party units across states.
When the bill was taken up to be voted by Coorg’s Assembly as it required ratification by state assemblies before becoming a legislation, 22 out of 24 legislators, including Pandiyanda Belliappa, voted for Coorg’s merger with Mysore. The first and only elected legislative assembly and government of Coorg was thus dissolved, paving the way for its integration with the unified Mysore state.
Poonacha went on to serve both the Mysore and central governments in various capacities as cabinet minister holding various important portfolios, and also served as the Governor of Odisha and Madhya Pradesh. He was also Coorg’s representative in the Constituent Assembly. Coorg also sent two members to independent India’s first elected Parliament. After its merger with Mysore, however, Coorg was clubbed with Mangalore earlier and Mysore later into a single parliamentary constituency. It sends two legislators to the 224-member state assembly of Karnataka.
Many people in Coorg are still divided and emotional over the issue of Coorg’s merger with Mysore. The Codava National Council, under the leadership of NU Nachappa, fought for the restoration of statehood for Coorg for several decades. But it has now toned down its demand to that of an autonomous development board exclusively for Coorg within Karnataka, with many other perks similar to those offered to other sparsely populated hilly regions and tribes in the Himalayas and the North East.
Kodagu, the official name of the district, is one of the most developed districts of Karnataka across most parameters of development. With an HDI of 0.817, it is only behind Bengaluru, Dakshina Kannada and Udupi in terms of human development. As it reels under another bout of floods this monsoon, let us keep the beautiful Coorg in our prayers and cherish its less known history.
Rakshith S Ponnathpur is a financial and economic policy researcher with a keen interest in Karnataka history and politics.
source: http://www.thenewsminute.com / The News Minute / Home> News> History / by Rakshith S Ponnathpur / August 12th, 2020
A researcher from Myanmar has compiled an English dictionary on the words used by the people of Soliga tribe, living in and around Biligiri Ranga Hill in Chamarajangar district.
Aung Si has compiled the words used only by the six Soligas tribes, living in the tribal hamlets. The 445-page dictionary has more than 1,500 words, used by Soligas. The words have been written in Kannada script and the explanation and meaning is in English. The book has pictures of rare trees, plants and animals found in BR Hills.
Aung Si has printed around 150 copies, priced Rs 1,500 each. He has handed over the responsibility of the book sales to the Soliga leaders, asking them to utilise the money earned for the development of the tribals.
Aung Si has earned a PhD from the Australian National University, conducting a research on the lifestyle of Soligas in 2012. He has been working hard for around 12 years, from 2008. He has interacted with the tribe of Soligas, learning about their languages.
He has sought the help of Ashoka Trust for Ecology and Environment in BR Hills, to compile the dictionary. He has also taken the help of Soliga leaders and other research persons for his work.
Scientist C Madegowda of Ashoka Trust told DH that there are 148 Soliga tribal hamlets in the district. Only six particular tribes of Soligas in 55 hamlets of BR Hills, still use the words and language, which are on the verge of extinction. Others speak Kannada and have adapted to the new lifestyles. Youngsters are not well versed in Soliga language and culture. This dictionary may be useful for them in future. It will also help those involved in further research on the language, he said.
source: http://www.deccanherald.com / Deccan Herald / Home> State> Karnataka Districts / by Gayathri G R, Chamrajnagar / July 06th. 2020
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